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                  <text>Britain Colonial Mapping of Western Palestine in the Ottoman period  </text>
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                  <text>The Palestine Exploration Fund (PEF) of Great Britain conducted an extensive survey of Western Palestine from 1872-1877, during the  Ottoman period. While the fund was headed by religious figures and academics, there was also involvement from the British government. Essentially, the religious and academic associations of the fund may have served as a front to allow the British government to collect intelligence on the region.  For example, the British Foreign Office had documented involvement in the production and funding of the survey project, which increased with the Russo-Turkian War (1877-78). This survey was the most detailed and technologically advanced to date and was ultimately employed by the British in their invasion of Palestine in WWI. &#13;
 In addition to its attention to topographic detail, this mapping project is notable for its area of focus. Unlike other maps produced by Western colonial powers at the time, such as France and Germany, this map focuses exclusively on an area west of the Jordan river. Uncannily, its borders resemble those of the future British Mandate (1920-1948). The survey is also careful to include the significant holy sites of the New Testament. &#13;
 After the maps production, the British Foreign Office required that the PEF delay the publication of the maps for a year to control the dispersal of sensitive intelligence information.&#13;
Thus, these maps should be evaluated both as products of academic and religious scholarship and as tools in the British colonial enterprise. </text>
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                  <text>Detailed geographical survey of Western Palestine with additional layers depicting religious holy sites, Arabic places </text>
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                <text>Representation of the Palestine Campaign of the British Military in WWI </text>
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                <text>https://nzhistory.govt.nz/media/photo/palestine-campaign-map</text>
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                  <text>Map Tracings</text>
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              <text>William C. Reynolds </text>
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              <text>Scale [ca. 1:7,250,000] (W 122⁰--W 67⁰/N 50⁰--N 25⁰). &#13;
1 map : hand col. ; 48 x 70 cm.</text>
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          <description>Name of collection of which the map is a part</description>
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              <text>Harvard Maps Collection</text>
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              <text>MAP-LC G3701.E9 1856 .R4</text>
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              <text>Hollis Number (Harvard Maps Collection): 009621024</text>
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              <text>https://www.loc.gov/resource/g3701e.ct000604/</text>
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                <text>Reynolds's political map of the United States, designed to exhibit the comparative area of the free and slave states and the territory open to slavery or freedom by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise.</text>
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                <text>1856 Election</text>
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                <text>Slavery and Freedom</text>
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                <text>Depicts areas in the United States that allow and do not allow slavery and the territories who status as free or slave is yet to be determined as of 1856. Made in anticipation of the 1856 election as a piece of propaganda in favor of the Republican presidential ticket, which consisted of John C. Fremont for president and William L. Dayton for vice president. The map includes data from the 1850 census for all states, divided into slave and free, and pays particular attention to data regarding economics and representation in Congress. </text>
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                <text>1856</text>
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                <text>This layer shows the rivers shown in North America and Asia, as well as lakes (shaded in) to which inland rivers connect. Rivers (and their labels, which I have not included in this layer) make up the majority of information shown in continental interiors on this map. They are important because they indicate possible routes of travel within these continents. I have not included the rivers in the newly-discovered North Pacific land because they are drawn in with shading rather than solid lines like the Asian and North American rivers. One type of information that needs to be known more precisely before the interior of this land can be mapped like the other landmasses is where its rivers flow.</text>
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                <text>This layer traces all of the rivers included on the map.  I have tried to recreate the variations in line thickness used on the map to indicate relative size of the rivers.  Not included in the layer are the names given to the rivers or the explicit direction of the current, though it most cases that is made clear by the line weight and the fact that you can see the beginning of the river.</text>
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                <text>The mapmakers place an outsize emphasis on rivers in their map design. Rivers are represented with solid black lines. The inclusion of even minor rivers means that a network of rivers seems to cover the map. In cases where state boundaries and rivers overlap, rivers dominate. Indeed, state boundaries are visually secondary to rivers, whose solid black ink superimposes over the dotted state boundaries. The emphasis on this natural features seems relevant to me because of the fact that a central tenet of this map’s argument is that freedom and slavery are fighting for control of the land. The importance given to rivers signifies for me the importance of natural features in the battle between slavery and freedom. When one steps back, there are very few features that stand out on the map other than those that are natural (especially in the form of rivers) and that which is political (especially in the form of state and territory names). This hierarchy speaks to the conflict at the center of the map’s political purpose. In sum, rivers are given a prominent place in the map design not because of any practical meaning to be drawn from the rivers, but rather to add symbolic meaning to how slavery and freedom fight for the land.</text>
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                <text>General Content: Rivers</text>
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                <text>Rivers of the Western Region</text>
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                <text>The Gazetteer of the Western Region&#13;
https://iiif.lib.harvard.edu/manifests/view/drs:50983257$250i</text>
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                <text>Fu, Heng&#13;
Liu, Tongxun</text>
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                <text>1782</text>
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                  <text>This collection explores British perceptions of France and Germany before the First World War, and how they were influenced by proximity, both in terms of simple distance and in terms of how easy it was to travel there. There are four elements (one of which isn't a historical map). &lt;br /&gt;The first is a graphical representation of the quickest routes from London to different places in Europe, as advised by Thomas Cook and Son travel agents in 1913, and how long it would take to travel to each destination. These graphs give us a sense of how far places in Europe actually were from London in 1913 (admittedly a limited sense given I haven’t found useful information on the prices of these journeys, or how many times a day they ran). They also show which places routes ran through, thus showing which places travelllers would be familiar with simply by having to frequently pass through.&lt;br /&gt;The second map is a cartoon map of Europe made in 1900. It supposedly shows the different countries responding to Britain’s war in South Africa. It is interesting for how France—at the time far from an ally—is shown as far less threatening than Germany, which in turn is less threatening than Russia. It is interesting to apply information from the previous element to this one (if we assume that travel patterns in Europe had not radically changed between 1900 and 1913). The relative proximity of France, and number of routes through Paris, perhaps meant that more people had been there, and did not find it excessively foreign or sinister, while the distantness of Russia (Moscow is 102 hours from London) arguably result in it being depicted as a terrifying, autocratic octopus (a depiction surely grounded in common British stereotypes and attitudes). &lt;br /&gt;The third element seeks to answer a question posed by the comparison of the first and second. The first element shows that Germany was not very distant, and that many routes passed through it, especially through Cologne. Yet the second shows that Germany seemed to be more foreign and threatening than France. The third element is a map of Europe made in 1880. It labels western Germany—the Rhineland that accounts for so many nodes in the first element—“Germany,” and the rest of the German Empire “Prussia.” While it was probably the result of parsimonious atlas makers reusing pre-unification plates, the existence of such a map (and of other examples, which are hyperlinked), suggests that the British maintained a mental distinction between the Germany they encountered and the threatening, militaristic Prussia they did not. Either that map echoes a distinction that was already salient, or it and others helped to create or maintain such a distinction. It is no accident that Germany is represented in element two by the Kaiser eagerly stockpiling battleships, echoing a pre-unification cartoon map of &lt;a href="http://maps.bpl.org/id/16826"&gt;Prussia&lt;/a&gt;, in which that state is embodied by the Kaiser and an armed and dangerous Bismark.&lt;br /&gt;The last element is a fragment of a map of Paris from an English language guidebook published in 1878. It gives us a loose sense of what sort of places would have grounded British perceptions of the French capital. Specifically, government buildings feature prominently, suggesting that visiting Paris in some way entailed visiting the French state, and perhaps coming to understand it as similar to the British state. One might wonder whether visitors to Berlin would have had the same response to the German state, had many people visited Berlin.</text>
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                <text>Routes from London to Europe in 1913</text>
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                <text>This network graph has as its nodes points at which passengers would embark or disembark trains or boats on long journeys from London to various European destinations, as advised by the table of quickest routes in the index of&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Cook's Continental Time Table.&lt;/em&gt; One can trace the quickest journey back to London by clicking on any destination and following the arrows. This graph shows how British travellers to Europe did so overwhelmingly via a small number of places -- most notably Paris but also Cologne and Basel ("Bale" in the time table). Thus we can see that France, and the French state as encountered in Paris, was very familiar to British travellers. And while the Rhineland was familiar, Prussia and Berlin were distant and passed through relatively seldom.</text>
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                <text>This map shows most of the data points on the network graph on a modern map of Europe, with the size and colour of the dots indicating distance in hours from London as indicated in Cook's Time Table. Regrettably, to allow Google's geotagging feature to work, it uses modern place names and country names. Those points with more than one dot represent multiple routes taking longer or shorter amounts of time. This kind of scale gives one a more meaningful sense of how far different places in Europe were from London, and thus perhaps how distant and foreign they seemed to British people before the First World War.</text>
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                <text>Compiled from data in &lt;a href="https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015021229151;view=1up;seq=1"&gt;&lt;em&gt;Cook's Continental Time Table, Steamship and Air Services, &lt;/em&gt;1913.&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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